By by Sir William Jones.
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Extra info for A grammar of the Persian language
5 Manner adverbs have been argued to occupy a low position in the clause (see Cinque 1999). Thus, the examples in (3) and (4b), in which bien follows the verb, cannot qualify as emphatic positive sentences; conversely, those in (1) and (4a), where bien precedes the verb, exclude a manner interpretation. Given that the two kinds of bien alluded to exhibit a different order, it should be expected that both preverbal and postverbal position can be simultaneously ﬁlled. The examples in (9) conﬁrm this expectation: (9) a Bien ha cantado bien la soprano.
B Lléname la copa bien llena. 7 Accordingly, bien may alternate with muy “very,” as shown in (13):8 (13) a La sopa está muy rica. ’ b La policía reprimió muy duramente a los estudiantes. ’ c Julia mintió muy a conciencia. ’ However, (12) and (13) are by no means semantically equivalent. Instead, the former examples—with degree-bien—are systematically interpreted by Peninsular Spanish speakers as emphatic sentences encoding a subjective value that is lacking in the latter. Additional evidence proving that bien and muy do not pattern alike comes from their differing behavior in a number of syntactic constructions, such as negative sentences and interrogatives.
The relevant contrast is given in (70): (70) a *Todo el mundo bien besó al decano. everybody well kissed the dean b Bien besó todo el mundo al decano. ’ Further evidence supporting the analysis given in (65) comes from superlatives. Notice that superlative DPs cannot be dislocated, as shown in (71): (71) a Las dudas, Juan no las soporta. ’ b *La más pequeña duda, Juan no la soporta. the most little doubt Juan does not CLACC stand (from X. ’ b *La más pequeña duda bien le pone nervioso. To sum up, in this section I have shown that the subject of bien-sentences surfaces in postverbal position.