By Omer Preminger
In this ebook, Omer Preminger investigates how the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract is enforced through the grammar. Preminger argues that an empirically enough idea of predicate-argument contract calls for recourse to an operation, whose obligatoriness is a grammatical primitive no longer reducible to representational homes, yet whose profitable end result isn't really enforced through the grammar.
Preminger's argument counters modern techniques that locate the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract enforced via representational capability. the main well-known of those is Chomsky's "interpretability"-based concept, within which the obligatoriness of predicate-argument contract is enforced via derivational time bombs. Preminger offers an empirical argument opposed to modern techniques that search to derive the compulsory nature of predicate-argument contract solely from derivational time bombs. He bargains as a substitute another account in response to the concept of obligatory operations better fitted to the evidence. The an important facts includes utterances that inescapably contain attempted-but-failed contract and are still totally grammatical. Preminger combines an in depth empirical research of contract phenomena within the Kichean (Mayan) languages, Zulu (Bantu), Basque, Icelandic, and French with an in depth and rigorous theoretical exploration of the far-reaching outcomes of those facts. The result's a singular idea that has profound implications for the formalism that the conception of grammar makes use of to derive compulsory tactics and houses.
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Extra resources for Agreement and Its Failures
In fact, the verb in (13) is a RTV; thus, the fact that it shows up with the -(V)n suffix rather than -ow (which is the RTV variant of K’ichee’ AF) is a reliable indicator that this sentence is indeed an instance of the absolutive antipassive, rather than the AF construction. Despite this morphological relatedness between AF and the absolutive antipassive, AF is not an antipassive at all (as argued in detail in Aissen 2011, Craig 1979, Smith-Stark 1978). , Aissen 2011, Mondloch 1981); or it can be omitted altogether.
Another important aspect of the behavior of full noun phrases under clitic doubling, which also recalls the behavior of an A-trace, is that they cease to count as interveners for the purposes of A-movement and agreement (Anagnostopoulou 2003; cf. Holmberg and Hróarsdóttir 2003 on A-traces). Importantly, the clitic itself does not intervene in such relations, either; this is 38 Chapter 4 presumably either because the relations in question are phrasal in nature, and the clitic is a minimal projection, or because the clitic undergoes head adjunction and therefore does not c-command anything but its host (see Anagnostopoulou 2006, and references therein, for discussion).
But if category membership is itself no more than featural specification (Chomsky 1995:241–249, among many others), then the principle behind examples like (52)–(54) is no different than the principle behind the A Derivational Account of Absolutive Agreement in Kichean 45 wh-probing examples in (47a–c) or the AF examples in (48a–b): they all involve a probe that is specified to look for a particular feature and is able to skip potential targets when they do not bear the feature in question.