By Markus Bader

The German language, as a result of its verb-final nature, particularly loose order of ingredients and morphological Case process, poses demanding situations for versions of human syntactic processing that have almost always been constructed at the foundation of head-initial languages with very little morphological Case.

The verb-final order signifies that the parser has to make predictions in regards to the enter sooner than receiving the verb. What are those predictions? What occurs whilst the predictions grow to be fallacious? moreover, the German morphological Case process comprises ambiguities. How are those ambiguities resolved less than the traditional time strain in comprehension?

Based on theoretical in addition to experimental paintings, the current monograph develops an in depth account of the processing steps that underly language comprehension. At its center is a version of linking noun words to arguments of the verb within the constructing word constitution and checking the end result with appreciate to positive aspects similar to individual, quantity and Case.

This quantity comprises special introductions to human syntactic processing in addition to to German syntax on the way to be useful specially for readers much less conversant in psycholinguistics and with Germanic.

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Additional info for CASE AND LINKING IN LANGUAGE COMPREHENSION: Evidence from German

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Processing in the ambiguous region works then the same way as processing an unambiguous sentence that has the same structure as the one chosen before, that is, an unambiguous sentence corresponding to the preferred structural analysis. At the point of disambiguation, there are two possibilities. If the sentence is disambiguated towards the preferred structure, parsing will continue in the same way as for corresponding unambiguous sentences. This means that the preferred syntactic structure is processed as if no ambiguity would have been present.

Only the teacher knew the solution was easy. b. Only the teacher knew the solution. (34) a. #Since Jay always jogs a mile seems like a short distance to him. b. Since Jay always jogs a mile this seems like a short distance to him. In both (33) and (34), the italicized DP is locally ambiguous because, until following material leads to disambiguation, it can be either a subject ((33-a) and (34-a)) or an object ((33-b) and (34-b)). g. , 1999) show two things: 7 With respect to type of ambiguity, sentence pair (34) is on a par with sentence pair (12).

The cop gave her earrings b. The cop gave her earrings to the dog. (15) a. I saw her duck fly away. b. I saw her duck into an alleyway. The examples we have just reviewed as well as numerous other examples exhibiting all sorts of local syntactic ambiguity—comprehensive overviews of syntactic ambiguities present in the English language can be found in Gibson (1991) and Lewis (1993)—show two basic facts about what happens when the HSPM processes a syntactically ambiguous sentence: Usually, one of the possible structures is preferred to the other(s).

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